South Africa’s violent crime epidemic is well-documented, with the South African Police Service (SAPS) reporting 26,232 murders in 2024.
During their May 2025 meeting with U.S. President Donald Trump, South African President Cyril Ramaphosa and Agriculture Minister John Steenhuisen argued that farm murders are merely a facet of this broader criminality, affecting all races equally. However, this narrative glosses over the unique characteristics of farm murders, which exhibit meticulous planning, extreme brutality, and apparent targeting of Afrikaner farmers. These attacks cannot be classified under the same criminal profile as urban or township murders, which are often impulsive or opportunistic. This article details why farm murders stand apart, supported by specific case examples and crime data, and argues that the Afrikaner Refugee Program is a justified response to the legitimate fears of Afrikaner farmers.
Why Farm Murders Are Distinct
Unlike murders in South Africa’s densely populated urban areas or informal settlements, farm murders are characterized by their premeditated, tactical nature and extreme violence. Urban murders often arise from immediate conflicts—arguments, domestic disputes, intoxication, or gang violence—while farm attacks involve coordinated planning and execution that suggest motives beyond simple robbery. The following elements, commonly observed in farm attacks, underscore their distinct profile:
Use of Hijacked Vehicles:
Attackers frequently use stolen or hijacked vehicles to avoid traceability. For example, in the 2018 murder of Johan and Anna Niemann in Limpopo, police recovered a stolen bakkie used by the attackers, indicating premeditation to conceal their identities (News24, 2018).
Traveling Long Distances:
Perpetrators often drive hundreds of miles or trek through wilderness to reach isolated farms. In the 2020 attack on Brendin Horner in the Free State, attackers traveled from a nearby township, navigating rural terrain to target his farm, highlighting the effort invested in reaching remote locations (BBC, 2020).
Armed with Firearms or Military Jammers:
Attackers come equipped with firearms and, in some cases, military-grade signal jammers to disable security systems or communication devices. A 2019 farm attack in Mpumalanga involved jammers that blocked cellphone signals, preventing victims from calling for help (TimesLIVE, 2019).
Groups of Three or More:
Farm attacks typically involve groups of three to seven assailants, enabling coordinated assaults. The 2021 murder of Pieter and Susan Hills in KwaZulu-Natal saw five attackers working together, overpowering the elderly couple (IOL, 2021).
Targeting Vulnerable Farms:
Attackers select farms occupied by few people, often the elderly or small families. The 2017 attack on Sue Howarth and Robert Lynn in Dullstroom targeted an elderly couple living alone, exploiting their vulnerability (The Citizen, 2017).
Breaching Outer Perimeters:
Attackers breach farm gates, often using bolt cutters or other tools. In the Horner case, the outer gate was cut open, allowing access to the property (BBC, 2020).
Surveillance for Days:
Perpetrators conduct reconnaissance, sometimes for days, to study routines. In the 2018 Niemann case, neighbors reported seeing unfamiliar individuals near the farm days before the attack, suggesting pre-attack surveillance (News24, 2018).
Military-Style Planning:
Attacks are executed with precision, resembling tactical assaults. The 2020 Rafferty murders in KwaZulu-Natal involved attackers approaching from multiple angles, cutting through fences, and timing their entry for maximum surprise (TimesLIVE, 2020).
Poisoning Guard Dogs:
To neutralize security, attackers often poison dogs in advance. In the Hills case, the family’s dogs were found dead, poisoned before the attack, allowing unimpeded access (IOL, 2021).
Breaching Immediate Perimeters: Attackers use tools to cut through barbed wire or electric fences. The 2017 Howarth-Lynn attack involved cutting through an electric fence, demonstrating preparation (The Citizen, 2017).
Multi-Angle Approaches:
Attackers approach homesteads from multiple sides, as seen in the Rafferty case, where assailants surrounded the house to prevent escape (TimesLIVE, 2020).
Breaching Inner Perimeters or Luring Victims: Attackers cut through window bars, break doors, or lure victims outside by tactics like leaving taps open. In a 2019 Limpopo attack, attackers opened a water tap to draw the farmer outside, ambushing him (SowetanLIVE, 2019).
Aggressive Assaults:Attacks involve shooting from outside or overwhelming victims with force. The Horner attack saw the victim stabbed and hanged, indicating lethal intent beyond robbery (BBC, 2020).
Control and Intimidation: Victims are tied up, threatened, and terrorized. In the Howarth-Lynn case, the couple was bound and tortured for hours, with assailants demanding valuables (The Citizen, 2017).
Prolonged Torture and Rape: Victims endure prolonged torture or rape, often lasting hours. Sue Howarth was tortured with a blowtorch before being killed, an act of cruelty far beyond typical robbery motives (The Citizen, 2017).
Forced Witnesses:
Attackers force family members to watch atrocities. In a 2016 North West attack, a farmer’s wife was made to watch her husband’s murder, amplifying the psychological terror (News24, 2016).
Murder of Family Members:
Entire families, including children or elderly parents, are killed. The 2018 murder of the Van der Westhuizen family in the Free State saw a couple and their son killed in a single attack (IOL, 2018).
Post-Murder Ransacking: After the violence, attackers ransack homes for valuables, often taking firearms, cash, or jewelry. In the Rafferty case, the house was looted post-murder, though the brutality suggested robbery was secondary (TimesLIVE, 2020).
Stealing Vehicles for Escape:
Attackers frequently steal victims’ vehicles to flee. The Hills attackers escaped in the couple’s bakkie, later found abandoned (IOL, 2021).
Repeat Offenses: Many perpetrators are serial offenders, repeating similar attacks. A 2022 SAPS report noted that some suspects arrested for farm attacks had prior convictions for similar crimes, indicating a pattern (SAPS, 2022).
Misclassification by Authorities
Farm murders are not specifically classified in South Africa - they are "just regular murders."
Police often classify farm murders as robberies, disregarding the tactical planning and extreme violence involved. For instance, the Rafferty murders were officially recorded as a robbery, despite the couple being bludgeoned to death in a prolonged attack (TimesLIVE, 2020). This misclassification distorts crime statistics, making farm murders appear less significant. The Transvaal Agricultural Union (TLU-SA) reports 2,229 farm murders from 1990 to 2024, averaging 56 annually, yet SAPS data for 2024 cites only 44 farm-related murders, with just eight involving farmers. This discrepancy suggests underreporting or deliberate minimization, possibly to downplay a trend that emerged post-1994, coinciding with the African National Congress (ANC) government and the popularization of the “Kill the Boer, Kill the Farmer” struggle song.
SAPS data for 2024 shows 26,232 murders nationwide, with farm murders representing less than 1%. In Q1 2025, six farm murders were recorded—five Black victims and one white—prompting authorities to argue that Black South Africans face greater risks. However, TLU-SA data highlights a disproportionate impact on white farmers: 1,363 white farmers killed versus 88 Black farmers from 1990 to 2024, despite whites owning about 80% of farmland. This disparity, combined with the tactical and brutal nature of attacks, suggests a pattern beyond general criminality. The 2020 protests following the Rafferty and Horner murders, where white crosses symbolized victims, reflect the Afrikaner community’s perception of targeted violence, even if misrepresented by Trump as burial sites.
The EFF refuses to stop singing "kille the boer, kill the farmer," because the courts endorsed it.
While Police Minister Senzo Mchunu denies racial motives, the targeting of Afrikaner farmers in isolated areas, coupled with inflammatory rhetoric, fuels fears. Julius Malema’s “Kill the Boer” song, rooted in the anti-apartheid struggle, is seen by Afrikaners as incitement, though courts have not banned it. Unshown in the Trump-Ramaphosa meeting were videos of Ramaphosa advocating land return to “their people” and former President Jacob Zuma singing about killing farmers, reinforcing perceptions of hostility. Such rhetoric, alongside tactical attacks, creates a climate where Afrikaners feel singled out.
Afrikaner refugees arrive in America
The U.S. Afrikaner Refugee Program, enacted via Trump’s February 2025 executive order, has granted asylum to 59 white South Africans, citing persecution. This program responds to several factors:
Perceived Targeting:
The combination of tactical attacks and inflammatory rhetoric, like Malema’s song, fosters a reasonable fear of persecution among Afrikaners, despite official denials of “white genocide.”
Government Inaction:
The government’s failure to address farm murders as a distinct issue, coupled with inadequate rural policing, leaves farmers vulnerable. TLU-SA has criticized the lack of specialized rural security units.
Cultural and Economic Loss:
Afrikaner farmers, owning land, face threats to their cultural heritage and livelihoods. Attacks drive emigration, as seen with farmers like Bethuel Mabaso, who emphasized generational ties to the land (BBC, 2020).
Polarized Debate:
The Trump-Ramaphosa meeting highlighted divisions, with Afrikaner groups like Solidarity praising Trump’s focus, while mainstream media condemned it as misinformation. X posts reflect this split, with some users supporting the refugee program and others dismissing it as exaggerating a universal crime problem.
So, to get to the point, farm murders are not merely a subset of South Africa’s crime epidemic but a distinct phenomenon marked by tactical planning, extreme brutality, and apparent targeting of Afrikaner farmers. Case examples like the Rafferty, Horner, and Howarth-Lynn murders illustrate patterns of premeditation and cruelty absent in most urban crimes.
The government’s misclassification of these attacks as robberies obscures their significance, while inflammatory rhetoric exacerbates Afrikaner fears. Until South Africa acknowledges and addresses this unique threat, the Afrikaner Refugee Program remains a justified refuge for those who feel unsafe in their homeland.
